domingo, diciembre 10, 2006
N.R.
Norberto Rivera, dispuesto a defender a los niños de cualquier abuso
Notimex
10/12/2006 16:26
México, DF. El cardenal Norberto Rivera Carrera aseguró que defenderá a los niños del abuso sexual o de cualquier peligro al que puedan estar expuestos, antes de cualquier otra cosa, ya que siempre se ha distinguido por el amor cariño y respeto que le tiene a la infancia.
Asimismo, admitió que ha mostrado su disposición de cooperación con las autoridades nacionales e internacionales para castigar a los culpables del abuso sexual infantil, tanto en el ámbito nacional como en el internacional.
"Yo estoy dispuesto a colaborar con cualquier autoridad nacional, de Estados Unidos e internacional, porque creo en la justicia. Estoy convencido de que si algún niño ha sido molestado, ha sido víctima de algún sacerdote tiene que hacerse justicia", afirmó.
Los impuestos del refresco
Trabajadores azucareros en huelga
Resolución de la III Conferencia Latinoamericana de Trabajadores de la Industria Azucarera
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III Conferencia Latinoamericana de Trabajadores de la Industria Azucarera 22, 23 y 24 de noviembre de 2006, Ciudad de México, DF |
R E S O L U C I Ó N
Sobre el Jarabe de Alta Fructosa
CONSIDERANDO
Que la industria azucarera de México está clasificada en los primeros lugares a nivel mundial, en razón de su volumen de producción que sobrepasa los 5 mil millones de toneladas.
Como agroindustria aporta en forma significativa al crecimiento del Producto Interno Bruto con el 3,5 por ciento en la producción de alimentos.
Genera aproximadamente 500.000 empleos y su impacto económico beneficia a más de 3 millones de ciudadanos.
Que los impactos negativos del Tratado de Libre Comercio firmado con Estados Unidos de América y Canadá confirmaron la preocupación de los trabajadores azucareros y de su Sindicato, sobre la sustitución del azúcar mexicano en detrimento de la importación del jarabe de alta fructosa.
Que la importación del jarabe de alta fructosa fue un acuerdo contrario a los intereses nacionales en lo social y en lo económico, además de generar competencia desleal con la presencia de prácticas de dumping denunciadas por la Secretaría de Comercio y Fomento Industrial. Más grave aún si se considera que, en el curso de su aplicación, el Tratado de Libre Comercio eliminó las medidas proteccionistas de la industria azucarera mexicana, dejando al sector totalmente desprotegido.
Que el jarabe de alta fructosa es un subproducto del maíz transgénico subsidiado por Estados Unidos, no sólo estará produciendo un daño tremendo en los aspectos sociales, económicos y políticos, sino también en la salud pública.
Que la industria refresquera tiene en México el segundo mercado consumidor a nivel mundial, y que las grandes compañías transnacionales que tanto mencionan sus programas de responsabilidad social, al utilizar el jarabe de alta fructosa estarán llevando a la más absoluta pobreza a 3 millones de mexicanos que en forma directa e indirecta viven del azúcar.
U.S. Northern Command
U.S. Northern Command
U.S. Northern Command (USNORTHCOM) was established Oct. 1, 2002 to provide command and control of Department of Defense (DoD) homeland defense efforts and to coordinate defense support of civil authorities. USNORTHCOM defends America's homeland — protecting our people, national power, and freedom of action.
USNORTHCOM’s specific mission:
• Conduct operations to deter, prevent, and defeat threats and aggression aimed
at the United States, its territories and interests within the assigned area of responsibility (AOR); and
• As directed by the president or secretary of defense, provide defense support of civil authorities including consequence management operations.
USNORTHCOM’s AOR includes air, land and sea approaches and encompasses the continental United States, Alaska, Canada, Mexico and the surrounding water out to approximately 500 nautical miles. It also includes the Gulf of Mexico and the Straits of Florida. The defense of Hawaii and our territories and possessions in the Pacific is the responsibility of U.S. Pacific Command. The defense of Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands is the responsibility of U.S. Southern Command. The commander of USNORTHCOM is responsible for theater security cooperation with Canada and Mexico.
USNORTHCOM consolidates under a single unified command existing missions that were previously executed by other DoD organizations. This provides unity of command, which is critical to mission accomplishment.
USNORTHCOM plans, organizes and executes homeland defense and civil support missions, but has few permanently assigned forces. The command is assigned forces whenever necessary to execute missions, as ordered by the president and secretary of defense.
Civil service employees and uniformed members representing all service branches work at USNORTHCOM’s headquarters located at Peterson Air Force Base in Colorado Springs, Colo.
The commander of USNORTHCOM also commands the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), a bi-national command responsible for aerospace warning and aerospace control for Canada, Alaska and the continental United States.
USNORTHCOM’s civil support mission includes domestic disaster relief operations that occur during fires, hurricanes, floods and earthquakes. Support also includes counter-drug operations and managing the consequences of a terrorist event employing a weapon of mass destruction. The command provides assistance to a Lead Agency when tasked by DoD. Per the Posse Comitatus Act, military forces can provide civil support, but cannot become directly involved in law enforcement.
In providing civil support, USNORTHCOM generally operates through established Joint Task Forces subordinate to the command. An emergency must exceed the capabilities of local, state and federal agencies before USNORTHCOM becomes involved. In most cases, support will be limited, localized and specific. When the scope of the disaster is reduced to the point that the Lead Agency can again assume full control and management without military assistance, USNORTHCOM will exit, leaving the on-scene experts to finish the job.
Y lo que piensan para el siglo XXI:
"We have got a long way to go to secure the homeland, to defend freedom and to defeat this enemy. And it's important for the American people to understand that... we now know that thousands of trained killers are plotting to attack us, and this terrible knowledge requires us to act differently."President George W. Bush
La danza de los monopolios
Mexico’s Newest TV Drama Is a Bid to Block a Third Broadcaster
By ELISABETH MALKIN
Published: December 6, 2006
MEXICO CITY, Dec. 5 — Night after night for almost two weeks, Mexican television news has shown exposés on how poor people suffer from the high cost of medicines.
The images of the ill and dying have been heart-wrenching. Legislators lament the lack of regulation. Corner pharmacies barely fend off failure. The new health minister concedes that high prices are a problem.
It may be merely a coincidence that Mexico’s two competing television companies, Televisa and TV Azteca, have each chosen to focus on this particular social problem at the same time.
Their separate reporting comes to exactly the same conclusion. The culprits who drive the prices so high are two pharmaceutical distributors who together control 70 percent of the market. And both news teams single out the same one for particular opprobrium: Grupo Casa Saba, a $2 billion company controlled by the reclusive octogenarian billionaire Isaac Saba Raffoul.
What neither Televisa nor TV Azteca mentions is that Mr. Saba has his eye on another business: television.
Mr. Saba is the Mexican partner of Telemundo, the NBC Universal unit that is the No. 2 Spanish-language television broadcaster in the United States. In September, Telemundo and another company Mr. Saba owns, Grupo Xtra, formally requested a license for a broadcast television network.
Both Televisa and TV Azteca say that their coverage is driven only by news judgment. “The high cost of medicines in a poor country with great health needs is a real issue, and it is not related to Saba and his other businesses,” said Manuel Compean, a spokesman for Televisa.
Jorge Sanchez, a spokesman for Casa Saba, denied any accusations of price-gouging and pointed to profit margins of less than 10 percent on the company’s balance sheet.
Within weeks, the license request set off a nasty dispute between Telemundo and TV Azteca, leading to lawsuits and countersuits. Last week, Telemundo asked the Federal Communications Commission in the United States to deny the renewal of the broadcasting license to KAZA, the Los Angeles affiliate of Azteca’s growing network based in the United States. The dispute comes just as Felipe Calderón takes office as president. Mr. Calderón, who campaigned on a promise to increase competition, has said that Mexico should have a third broadcast company.
The decision over whether to authorize a new network, which would be awarded by public auction, could prove to be the new government’s first big test when it comes to taking on powerful business interests.
Many parts of Mexico’s economy are controlled by just one or a few companies that have succeeded in keeping out competition.
Televisa and TV Azteca control almost the entire broadcast television industry in Mexico, although Televisa is much larger, with about 75 percent of the advertising market. Last April, they won passage of a law that critics say gives them free space on the broadcast spectrum.
That law created a public uproar that has heightened pressure for more competition. “There has to be at least one more open television channel,” said Mexico’s top antitrust regulator, Eduardo Pérez Motta, in an interview. Last week, he called on the government to auction off more spectrum quickly.
But both Televisa and TV Azteca declare that they are ready and willing to compete. “Televisa has competed historically and competes every day in all of its businesses,” Mr. Compean of Televisa said.
For Telemundo, the effort to gain a distribution platform for its programming is simply a question of equality. Televisa, the world’s largest Spanish-language media company, distributes its popular telenovelas and reality shows through a licensing agreement with Univision, the top Spanish-language network in the United States.
TV Azteca is creating its own American network through agreements with stations in cities with large Spanish-speaking populations.
“The point is pretty basic,” said Donald Browne, Telemundo’s president. “We want to do the same thing in Mexico that Televisa and TV Azteca do in the United States. They are able to distribute in the United States, and we would like to have an opportunity to distribute our own product.”
He added, “We’re looking for just a reasonable playing field — not even even — just to be able to show our product in Mexico.”
The bad blood between Telemundo and TV Azteca particularly goes back more than a dozen years, when NBC first tried to enter the Mexican market. A deal with TV Azteca that would have allowed NBC to take a small stake in the company fell through after TV Azteca backed out, arguing that NBC did not hold up its side of the deal to provide programming and technical assistance.
A dozen years later, the dispute is even more bitter. After Telemundo hired a well-known producer, Alan Tacher, for its talent show “Quinceañera,” in which 14- and 15-year-old girls live together as they study with voice and dance coaches, TV Azteca argued that it had an exclusive contract with him.
Azteca won an injunction from a Mexican judge to stop production, and Azteca lawyers accompanied the police on a raid on the studio where Telemundo was filming one of the final episodes. The production was eventually moved to Miami.
The raid is one of the main arguments in NBC’s filing last week with the F.C.C. It accuses TV Azteca of strong-arm tactics against Telemundo’s operations in Mexico to prevent it from “competing lawfully against TV Azteca in its own country.”
The filing also raises the long-running fraud case against TV Azteca’s controlling shareholder, Ricardo Salinas Pliego, filed by the Securities and Exchange Commission in January 2005. Mr. Salinas Pliego first delisted TV Azteca’s shares from the New York Stock Exchange and settled with the S.E.C. last September, paying a fine of $7.5 million.
Rick Cotton, NBC Universal’s general counsel, said, “If participation in the Mexican marketplace is foreclosed by the actions of TV Azteca in particular, then participation by TV Azteca in the U.S. marketplace needs to be re-examined by U.S. regulatory authorities.”
TV Azteca saw the NBC filing as a direct attack. “We are outraged,” Azteca America’s chairman, Luis J. Echarte, said in an e-mail message. “The filing has no legal fundamentals and is clearly a media ploy that attempts to damage the reputation of TV Azteca and its subsidiaries in the U.S., and put pressure on the Mexican government into auctioning new television licenses.”
The networks, meanwhile, can point to one accomplishment with their series on drug prices. Mexico’s antitrust commission plans to begin an investigation into the market for distributing pharmaceuticals.
Mr. Perez-Motta, the antitrust official, said: "There’s nothing strange about responding to media pressure."
Comentario:
- El duopolio televisivo mexicano está nervioso,ni los aztecos, ni los televisos quieren competencia ni libre mercado en las pantallas mexicanas;¿Para qué? su poder es casi ilimitado, y no quieren compartirlo con nadie. Así, de manera conjunta, utilizan sus noticieros para emprender una a campaña negra y de desprestigio en contra de casa Saba: distribuidora de medicinas que pertenece a Isaac Saba, accionista de Telemundo, y aliado de NBC en el proyecto para establecer una nueva cadena televisiva en México.
Y eso pone nerviso al duopolio. La danza de guerra ha comenzado: sigue la confrontación en,y por las pantallas.
El sheriffsito
"La designación de Medina Mora en la PGR, panista conservador, representa una oportunidad perdida. México es el único país "democrático" donde la persecución de delitos se asigna a una rama del Ejecutivo. No hay posibilidad de confiar en la imparcialidad de toda intervención policiaca que roce lo político. En lugar de optar por un abogado universalmente respetado y darle un mínimo de autonomía y legitimidad a la procuración de justicia, Calderón hace de ésta una prerrogativa de su gobierno.
Por su parte, el presupuesto refleja la misma estrategia. Fuertes recortes a la educación, a la construcción de carreteras rurales, al combate al sida. El mayor aumento es para seguridad, pero se disminuyen las partidas a las policías estatales y municipales (en las que son mayoría los gobiernos de otros partidos). Es decir, pocos recursos a la pluralidad y al desarrollo social de largo aliento (justamente educación e infraestructura). Aumenta el gasto social en subsidios para el empleo provisional y en general para los síntomas de la pobreza, pero no para su resolución. En política, mano firme; en estrategia social, caridad cristiana. Es más fácil y de efecto inmediato regalar pan que ayudar a montar una panadería.
Calderón parece encantado con este populismo conservador que le exige firmeza y acciones rápidas. Un sheriff decidido a imponer el orden, aunque sea el orden que dictan aquellos que lo contrataron. El problema es que los mexicanos no necesitamos un sheriff, sino un jefe de Estado."
www.jorgezepeda.net
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Huracán: La política secreta neoliberal
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